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Elena Sharipova,
Econometric Unit "Vedi" |
Macroeconomic developments in 1999 showed that it is necessary to work out medium- and long-term programs to improve economic situation taking into account relations among all economic agents. During last years economic annalists concentrated mainly to parameters of budget and monetary policies leaving lack attention to the real sector and households. Besides, much attention in creation economic programs should be paid to external factors influence on the Russian economy including external prices on Russian exports and world financial market developments.
Results of macroeconomic developments in 1999 were very surprising. At the beginning of 1999 the majority of economic experts predicted negative GDP growth and high level of inflation (more than 80% Dec./Dec.). Actually, in 1999 the real GDP growth was 3.2%, industrial production grew by 8.1%, fixed capital investment rose by 4.5% (first time since a collapse of the USSR), inflation (CPI) equaled to 36.5%. All these pleasant results were reached with huge money credits to the economy, huge foreign currency purchases by the Central Bank and unchanged level of international reserves.
The key factor that provided such a growth in Russia last year was an increase in world oil prices as the oil products are the main items of Russian exports. The next factor that helped to stabilize the situation in the country was an adequate fiscal policy by the government primary in the sphere of expenditure reduction.
| 1993 | 1994 | 1995 | 1996 | 1997 | 1998 | 1999 | |
| GDP | -8.7 | -12.7 | -4.1 | -3.5 | 0.8 | -4.9 | 3.2 |
| Industrial production | -14.1 | -20.1 | -3.3 | -4.0 | 1.9 | -5.2 | 8.1 |
| Fixed investment | -12.0 | -24.0 | -10.0 | -18.0 | -5.5 | -6.7 | 4.5 |
| Federal budget deficit (% of GDP)* | 15.6 | 10.6 | 5.3 | 8.0 | 6.7 | 4.8 | 1.7 |
| Inflation (Dec./Dec.) | 840.0 | 220.0 | 130.0 | 21.8 | 11.0 | 84.4 | 36.5 |
| Monetary base | 646.0 | 189.0 | 115.0 | 26.2 | 25.7 | 27.9 | 51.4 |
| Money supply (M2) | 407.0 | 192.0 | 127.0 | 33.7 | 26.7 | 20.8 | 57.2 |
| Nominal exchange rate | 200.5 | 184.7 | 30.7 | 20.0 | 7.3 | 250.0 | 30.8 |
| * - According to the IMF methodologyogy | |||||||
In 1999 the increase of Russian oil export to the non-CIS countries amounted to $4 bln. that almost brought the volume of export to the top level of 1996. Moreover, in the IV quarter last year the nominal volume of oil export reached the highest level since 1992. If we add an increase in exports of other Russian tradable goods (that occurred due to a rise in oil prices) than it became clear how big was a positive effect of world oil prices on the Russian balance of payments.
If the world oil prices had remained on its level in 1998 than (taking other things constant) nominal export would be about $7 bln. in 1999 (or $6 bln. less than an actual amount of export last year). In that case, the Central Bank (assuming the constant level of international reserves) would had to buy an additional amount of foreign currency equaled to $6 bln. that should be converted into rubles. Consequently, the consumer price index would reached more than 60%.

Another question that arises while analyzing the role of "oil factor" is: "Did the increase in oil prices effect the federal budget revenues". Remember, that at the beginning of 1999 budget revenues were projected on the level of 9-10% of GDP. And we can state that the direct effect of the factor was insignificant. It can be explained that the largest taxpayers (including the main exporters) made tax payments according to individual contracts with the Ministry of Taxation of the Russian Federation. In particular, during the first half of 1999 the price on oil in the contracts was fixed on the level of the beginning of 1999 or approximately $15 per barrel and the actual oil prices on world markets at that time reached $25 per barrel. Therefore, tax receipts of oil exporters were based on prices that amounted to only 70%-75% of real oil prices. As a result, budget tax arrears increased.
Nevertheless, there were indirect effects of oil price influence such as:
It is rather tough to make a quantitative analysis of these aspects right now but it is obvious that the three main components of budget revenues growth were:
In the absence of the last factor it would be necessary either to cut federal budget expenses in accordance with appropriate growth in budget debt arrears or to make additional direct credits to the government by the CBR. The majority of experts predicted the latest issue that expanded predicted level of inflation by extra 10-15 percentage points.
An increase in monetary settlements in the economy that continued till the middle of 1999 also made a positive effect on monetary receipts of the federal budget. In fact, the government managed to achieve the pre-crisis level of revenues (as % of GDP) but without taking into account non-monetary mechanisms.
At last, the third question is about an influence of increased prices of export good on economic growth in 1999. The main gains got export-oriented industrial branches and affiliated industries. According to our estimates, extra revenues from exports did not spread to the whole economy. Nevertheless, the increase in production of these branches made a significant contribution into the overall economic growth. Approximate estimates shows that this input was 2-3 percentage points in industrial production growth and 1-2 percentage points in GDP growth. In other words, without an increase in prices on Russian export goods it is likely that there would have been a zero GDP growth and a growth in industrial production would considerably reduced.
Therefore, a rise in prices of oil and other Russian export goods had a positive influence on economic developments in 1999. In the absence of this factor the inflation would be much more high (70%-75%) and there would be no economic growth at all. These conclusions also underline the role of a decrease in oil prices in 1998 financial crisis. However, some analysts are still skeptical about the "oil prices responsibility".

Federal budget revenue, according to the IMF definition, amounted to 13% of GDP (597.4 bln. rbl.) in 1999. At the beginning of 1999 the most optimistic forecasts did not exceed 11% of GDP. One of the main reasons of such a sharp increase was a rise in a share of federal budget in consolidated and enlarged budgets. It was rather unexpected that the federal government was able to "take away" a part of revenues from regional budgets that was made partly through the Budget Law 1999 and partly because of rejection of VAT reduction and a rise in export duties. Moreover, individual contracts were widely used between regional authorities and large taxpayers. In general, this is a non-market (and non-efficient) method but in practice this course of action turned to be very pragmatic in a way of formal budget execution.
Finally, a real surprise for economic experts were adoption the federal budget with a significant primary surplus and minimal CBR financing by the Duma. This budget was executed in fact and all planned levels were exceeded including CBR financing. Even if a forecast of budget revenues at the beginning of 1999 seemed to be unrealistic because of low oil prices and an intention to reduce VAT, the role of a "tough budget" was in setting higher limits on budget expenditures. In other words, the Russian government was lucky to have low oil prices and consequently a relatively low level of expenditure while preparing and adopting the 1999 Budget.
Nominal federal budget cash revenues increased in 1999 by 2.5 times (in 1998, cash revenues amounted to 241 bln. rbl.). Taking into consideration that an average inflation in 1999 was about 85% than the "real" revenue growth was rather significant last year and amounted to about 40%.
Federal budget expenditure accounted for 671.6 bln. rbl. or 15% of GDP and it rose by 1.2 percentage points compared to corresponding parameter in 1998. This increase happened mainly due to a growth in budget revenues and there additional revenues were spent on repayments on government overdue obligations on wages and pensions. This fact is also confirmed by a high implementation of non-interest expenditures that were over-executed by 25% to a level defined in the Federal Budget Law 1999. Nominal non-interest expenditure amounted to 513 bln. rbl. or 11.5% of GDP. Interest payments on foreign debt accounted for $3.6 bln. or 2% of GDP that was slightly low than the 1998 level - $4.3 bln. or 1.5% of GDP. A decrease in nominal foreign interest payments occurred due to a federal government rejection to service the debt of the former USSR in 1999.
Federal budget deficit (according to the IMF methodology) accounted for 74.1 bln. rbl. or 1.7% of GDP - the lowest level since a beginning of market reforms. Deficit financing was mainly carried out through the CBR direct credits (see also "Monetary policy").
Therefore, a fiscal policy of the government was unexpected for the economic experts and did not allow an inflation to increase significantly. It is obvious that an increase in expenditures and/or a decrease in revenues by 2-3 percentage point of GDP financed by the CBR credits would led to an additional rise in prices by 30-45% and an overall inflation would exceed 100%.
| Budget Law | Actual | |
| Revenue | 473.7 | 597.4 |
| Tax revenues | 399.1 | 505.0 |
| Value-added tax | 143.7 | 218.8 |
| Profit tax | 36.0 | 79.1 |
| Excise taxes | 87.2 | 84.2 |
| Customs duties | 91.3 | 86.3 |
| Other tax revenues | 40.9 | 36.7 |
| Non-tax Revenues | 33.0 | 37.2 |
| Revenues of Budgetary Funds | 41.6 | 55.2 |
| Expenditure | 575.0 | 671.6 |
| Interest expenditure | 166.8 | 162.6 |
| interest on domestic debt | 66.9 | 73.9 |
| GKO/OFZ interest | 34.2 | 50.1 |
| interest on foreign debt | 99.9 | 88.7 |
| Non-interest expenditure | 408.2 | 509.0 |
| of which | ||
| Defense | 93.7 | 116.1 |
| Social sphere | 78.2 | 85.1 |
| Financial aid to the regions | 43.4 | 62.1 |
| Budget balance | -101.4 | -74.1 |
| Primary deficit(-)/surplus(+) | 65.5 | 88.4 |
| Financing | 101.4 | 74.1 |
| Net Foreign Financing | 45.9 | 7.5 |
| Gross disbursements | 152.0 | 58.1 |
| Principal repayment | -106.0 | -50.6 |
| Net Domestic Financing | 55.4 | 66.6 |
| of which | ||
| GKO/OFZ | 35.6 | 29.5 |
| Central Bank of Russia | 33.0 | 132.6 |
| Privatization proceeds | 15.0 | 7.1 |
| Net proceeds from sales of precious metals | 7.0 | 21.3 |
| GDP, bln. rbl. | 4000 | 4545 |
| * - According to the IMF definition | ||
1998 crisis consequences
Monetary policy in 1999 was highly caused by the 1998 financial crisis. During 1996-1998 the main tasks of the monetary authorities were to decrease inflation and to keep an exchange rate within a pre-set range (the "ruble corridor"). The question was this strategy right or wrong is still open. Supporters of fully flexible non-regulated exchange rate state that a stabilization policy of the "ruble corridor" did led to, first, a currency crisis and than to an overall financial crisis. Other experts consider that one of the reason of the crisis was an inadequate irrational debt policy in 1997-1998 - a disbursement of huge amount of foreign credits on rather high interest rates. However, during this stabilization policy the Central Bank managed to decrease inflation from 130% in 1995 to 22% in 1996 and to 11% in 1997 and a nominal exchange rate grew less than 10% in 1997.
We should mention that a decline in inflation and an attraction of hard currency credits were interconnected events - macroeconomic stabilization increased an inflow of foreign portfolio investments that, in turn, contributed to stabilize the economy. Nevertheless, the Central Bank reserves did not grow in a proportional way and the Ministry of Finance failed to increase budget revenues. As a result, the government faced to a sharp growth of short-term foreign debt and non-sufficient resources for it's payment. Such an "unstable" stability when the CBR did not have enough resources in long-term perspective to support an exchange rate and the federal budget did not have its own funds to maintain debt payments could be destroyed by any insignificant internal or external shock. Unfortunately, there were two of these shocks: first, a fall in prices in world trade markets that significantly reduced foreign currency inflow to Russia and, second, a financial crises in Asian countries that increased investment risks on all emerging markets.

Problems in monetary policy
In 1999 the government and the Central Bank faced first with a problem of repayment and servicing foreign government debt as well as domestic. High devaluation and default on foreign payments led to a sharp decrease in foreign credits that made a negative impact on federal budget financing. Besides, the absence of liquid domestic financial markets (after the GKO market was frozen) resulted in that the government securities market stopped to provide a possibility of rapid ruble funds attraction and support a stability of domestic financial system. Therefore, the CBR in 1999 was very restricted in instruments of monetary policy and, consequently, it could not be a large variety of CBR actions in 1999.
One of the most strong negative effect of the financial crisis was on a banking system. Government securities amounted to 60% of all banks liquid assets and after trades on a GKO market were terminated bank liquidity came near zero. Moreover, an announcement about a forced restructure of government securities and a widening of boundaries of the "corridor" (that means a devaluation of the national currency) brought a panic among the population and mass withdrawal of bank deposits. During August-September 1998 household deposits in domestic currency decreased by 25 bln. rbl. and foreign deposits - by $1.4 bln.
There was an aggregation process in banking sector in 1999 - an amount of credit organizations declined by more than 1000 entities along with a rise in aggregate banking assets by 50%. A share of Sberbank assets accounted for 25% of total banking assets and was closed to the same indicator of 1998. Therefore, a structure of banking system with the major role of Sberbank remained unchanged. Financial results of banking system were negative and also did not significantly change in 1999 compared to 1998. Net losses amounted to 32 bln. rbl. while Sberbank had a net profit of 14 bln. rbl. as at the end of 1999. Banks credits to enterprises in domestic increased by 120 bln. rbl. or by more than 2.4 times, but foreign credits reduced by $2 bln. A share of private banks (excluding Sberbank) in total ruble credits was 64% in 1999, a share in foreign currency credits - more than 80%.
Along with above mentioned factors, that had already emerged in 1998, macroeconomic parameters should be influence by high inflation expectations in 1999. These expectations were based on high inflation rates in the second half of 1998. Optimistic forecasts at the end of 1998 predicted a consumer price index growth in the rage of 80% to 100% in 1999.
Central Bank Policy
Monetary policy experienced fundamental changes at the beginning of 1999 compared to even after crisis situation in Russia. The Central Bank stopped in fact to maintain an independent policy on stabilization of financial conditions. In contrary, the main targets of the CBR became to support federal budget balance and to provide credits to the government for payments on foreign and domestic debts. Such a policy was defined by objective reasons (non-liquidity of domestic financial markets and impossibility to borrow on international capital markets) as well as subjective reasons (changes in policy preferences of the government and the CBR).
In the first quarter of 1999 despite monetary base did not expand net credit to the federal government increased by 47 bln. rbl. while net international reserves (NIR) declined by 14 bln. rbl. This significant amount of additional money inflows into the economy through the direct CBR credits worried western experts about consequent increases in other monetary parameters that would speed up an inflation rate. In January-March 1999 an average monthly inflation was 5% that corresponded equaled to 60% (December/December) on annual basis and money supply raise by 25.5 bln. rbl. or by 6%.
Since the beginning of the year the Central Bank tried to maintain a stable dynamics of the exchange rate and did let the ruble to devaluate sharply. In January 1999, there was a jump in exchange rate - the ruble with respect to the dollar depreciated by 17% in nominal terms. This occurred, primarily, due to a post-crisis high demand on foreign currency and, in some aspects, due to an influence of seasonal factors. However, the real exchange rate remained unchanged and this was consistent with the CBR's plan on 1999.
In the second quarter of 1999 base money raise sharply by 53 bln. rbl. or by 26% as well as M2 - by 93 bln. rbl. or by 20%. Credits to the federal government continued increasing and during April-June amounted to 23 bln. rbl. However, inflation reduced and an average rate was less than 2.5% in Q2 1999. Moreover, nominal exchange rate did not grow at all and real appreciation reached 7% during this period.
These disproportional increases in monetary parameters were backed by a form of CBR credits that primarily were supplied for the government foreign debt payments and were nominated in dollars. In other words, the CBR bought dollars in open market operation (or spent its international reserves) and paid out government debts without converting these funds into rubles. Certainly, this procedure led to ruble inflows to the Russian economy but did not affect an inflation rate.
During the Q1 1999 CBR purchases of foreign currency on open market were $120 mln. while in the Q2 these purchases reached $2.5 bln. (Remember, that in the forth quarter of 1998 CBR bought $1.5 bln.) At the same time, gross foreign reserves in the first quarter fell by $1.4 bln., in the second quarter they rose almost by the same amount. As a result, in the first half of 1999 international reserves decreased by only $70 mln. This dynamics of international reserves showed that the CBR was strictly restricted in choosing methods of monetary policy. In fact, the CBR could only switch between spending foreign reserves and foreign currency purchasing with a consequent domestic market saturation by rubles.

At the beginning of summer 1999 IMF experts were afraid that money emission and supporting national currency policies would lead to worsening economic situation and suggested a program for macroeconomic development in the second half of 1999. The key point during a discussion of the program was the upper limit of CBR credits to the government. IMF experts considered that an increase in credits by 20-25 bln. rbl. during the year corresponded to 50% increase in inflation and exchange rate. If credits would be more than this amount inflation would rise much higher than 50% that would influence an additional pressure on the exchange rate and would destabilize the economy. However, the Ministry of Finance supposed that such increases in inflation and exchange rate corresponded to CBR credits in the amount of 50-55 bln. rbl. within the year. During negotiations a compromise variant was taken as a basis but the actual results of economic development in 1999 were closer to the government forecasts.
In the second half of 1999 the Central Bank bought $3 bln. and the federal government paid out $4.6 bln. on foreign debt. As a result, the CBR purchased $5.6 bln. at the market in 1999 but total foreign debt payments amounted to $9.5 bln. Almost all CBR currency purchases were used for foreign debt repayments of the government or of the Central Bank. Approximately $4 bln. were taken directly from the federal government revenues - about $ 1.5 bln. of foreign credits and $3.5 bln of primary surplus. In addition, the federal government disbursed about $1 bln. of commercial banks and CBR ruble and dollar credits. We should also take into account that the dollar equivalent of foreign debt principal and interest payments exceeded $2 bln. The Ministry of Finance bought from the CBR about $2 bln. in 1999. This figures illustrate the tight connection between monetary and exchange rate policies of the CBR and the government budget needs. CBR operations not related to foreign debt payments were residual.
Money supply growth accounted for 57% in 1999 (27% - in the first half of the year) and inflation (consumer price index) reached 36.5% (24.5% - in the H1 1999). Therefore, if during the first half of the year there was no gap between M2 and inflation growth rates then in the second half this gap sharply increased. Did this mean that the demand for money increased and high inflation fears overcome? Or substantial growth of money supply would impose an additional inflation pressure in the first half of 2000?
Indirect answer on these questions can give an estimation of money demand through the GDP and industrial production growths in 1999. GDP growth (December/December) was about 7% and annual GDP growth was more than twice lower. There was a slightly different quarterly dynamics: in the forth quarter of 1999 GDP rose by 6% compared to the same period of 1998 but in the second quarter of 1999 GDP already grew by 5%. Therefore, in the second half of 1999 GDP growth was negligible. As a result, GDP growth explains up to 7% of the gap between inflation and money supply growth in 1999 (assuming constant money velocity). The rest part of the gap (approximately 8%) remained "unexplained".
At the same time, econometric analyses show that this gap can be easily explained by the fall in money velocity that goes with GDP increase. This comes from the fact that the elasticity of money supply growth to GDP growth approximately equals to the elasticity of money supply growth to inflation.(?) However, this is one more fact that doubts this conclusion - producer price index (PPI) amounted to 67% in 1999 (31% in the first half of the year). PPI exceeded an increase in money supply even if a growth in production surpassed GDP growth. (There are two main reasons of rapid industrial production growth in 1999: 1) PPI was significantly less than CPI in 1998, and 2) sharp increase in world prices on Russian export goods in 1999).
In total inflation in 1999 corresponded to the increase in the money velocity taking into consideration a growth in money demand influence by a rise in production growth in the second half of 1999. And growth in consumer prices was slow than a growth in money supply not only because of increase in money demand but also of larger segmentation in money supply growth. Money remains rose generally not on liquid consumer market (households income growth was nearly zero) but on enterprises current accounts that produced a large money demand. Consequently, money supply growth did not bring an additional pressure and increase in prices on consumer market. Therefore, these exists some risk of inflation acceleration in 2000 due to rather vague perspective of production growth as well as outstrip growth in households income that started in the third quarter of 1999.

Debt Refinancing
In 1999 the government made foreign debt payments in the amount of $9.5 bln. Besides, the CBR made its our payments on the IMF credit and held auctions on selling foreign currency to non-residents who wanted to repatriate profits in rubles from the GKO/OFZ novation. Therefore, the total amount of capital outflow from the government sector was about $10 bln. in 1999. In 2000 the total outflow from the public sector will exceed $10 bln.
Capital inflow to the government sector in 1999 amounted to $2.7 bln. including tied credits and less than $1.5 bln. without tied credits or funds from international financial organization (IFO) and the government of Japan. As a result, the CBR spent about $5 bln. of its reserves to maintain debt payments. In 2000 necessary amount of using CBR reserves also will depend on receiving credits from IFO and the Government of Japan. However, these credits are subject to not only fulfillment of macroeconomic program parameters but more to political aspects. Possibilities of market fund disbursement first of all depend on finishing negotiations on debt restructuring with London and Paris Clubs of Creditors and on ability to achieve political stability in the country.
During 1999 the CBR tried to compensate debt payments by currency purchases on open market. This explains a high interest from investors to monthly debt schedule on foreign debts. The CBR is likely to keep this strategy in 2000 and the main goal of CBR policy will be to balance a smooth exchange rate dynamics and appropriate level of international reserves.
Capital Outflow
During last years capital outflow (defined as an increase in private assets) amounts in average to $20 bln. per year. We expect the capital outflow to be close to this level in 2000. Capital outflow significantly decreased down to $2.1 bln. in the second quarter of 1999 but then increased again in the third and forth quarters (up to $5.3 bln. and $6.7 bln. correspondingly).
Capital outflow from Russia can be divided to fundamental and speculative. The former reflects long-term savings and investment preferences and the later - short-tern. Resources of speculative capital outflow do not leave financial markets, however, resources of fundamental capital outflow are located on real sectors of economies - legal or illegal - in Russia or other countries.

Fundamental capital outflow highly exceeds speculative in Russia. For that reason, it is very expensive and ineffective to fight with a speculative capital outflow. At the same time it is nearly impossible to fight with fundamental capital outflow without solving fundamental problems of the economy. Administrative and force measures can help only in short-tern perspective and to fight with "black" capital outflow. The main part of capital outflow can be defines as "gray" capital flight and it is possible to "win" this battle only by using economic methods. The keys to a success are tax reform that would provide a sharp decrease in nominal tax burden, simultaneous elimination of tax exemptions and improvements in tax administration, a reform in government management targeted to put off government officials from resources distribution, and an improvement market competitions on regional markets and overall Russian market. However, all these reforms, in tern, can not be achieved without reaching overall political consensus.
Budget Policy Problems
One of the most discussed questions in 1999 was whether the government and the CBR managed to control inflation despite the fact that foreign credits were very limited. In Budget Law 2000 it is projected that foreign credits will account for around $6 bln. Nevertheless, this level of credits is very optimistic and highly overestimated. According to more realistic estimations Russia in 2000 can receive about $2.5 bln. that will lead to a foreign financing gap by $3.5 bln. Consequently, the government will have to find additional financial resources and it will have tree possible variants: 1) to increase in primary budget surplus; 2) to take extra credits from the CBR; 3) to disburse necessary funds from commercial banks.
If world prices on energy resources remain high in 2000 than the government will have extra revenues in hard currency from export activities. However, additional financing from budget resources will not exceed $1 bln. According to Budget Law 2000, lack in financing can be backed by CBR dollar credits (as it was in 1999) and CBR credits can not go beyond $1 bln. If the CBR ought to provide the government additional credits (after making appropriate changes in the Budget Law 2000) than CBR foreign currency purchases on open market will increase that imply an inflow of extra money liquidity into the banking sector. And it is an open question whether the Russian economy can absorb such a liquidity.
According to the original time schedule of Russian foreign debt services total payments exceed $16 bln. in 2000 or 65% of budget revenues. In 2001-2003, an average level of foreign debt payments amounts to around $18 bln. Evidently, Russian foreign debt had to be restructured and total payments should to be reduced by approximately twice. In July 1999, Russian government reached an agreement on negotiations with the Paris Club of Creditors (the PCC) about restructuring the Russian debt to the PPC during the period of 1999-2000. It was agreed that negotiations would continue after the President election in Russia in 2000.
Negotiations with the London Club of Creditors (the LCC) successfully finished on February 11, 2000. As a result, total debt to the LCC amounted to $31.8 bln. was restructured into new Eurobonds with face value of $21.0 bln. This restructuring admits a 36% debt reduction to the LCC. However, taking into account a grace period for interest and principal payments Russian debt was reduced in fact by mire than 50%.
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Capital Inflow and Its Consequences
Stabilization of economic and political situations in Russia led to an improvement of investment climate in the country. Taking into account high world prices on Russian export goods it will be a large trade balance surplus in 2000. It is also likely that foreign investments to the Russian stock market will increase. If the government decides to develop government securities market than we can expect a foreign portfolio investment inflow.
Preserving the dynamics of international reserves in the first three months of 2000 for the whole year a rise in reserves may amount to $15 bln. that corresponds a reserves level of $25-$28 bln. to the end of 2000. However, this optimistic forecast (very popular recently) can happen only if two conditions maintains: 1) oil prices remain high (or huge trade balance surplus), and 2) capital outflow decreases.
Capital outflow from Russia mainly depends on the level of capital inflow - the more the capital inflow the higher is illegal capital outflow. Therefore, the expected capital inflow may not lead to an increase in international reserves but to increase a capital outflow.
We should also notice that such a significant inflow of foreign currency into eternal markets will demand a sterilization from the CBR. Otherwise, capital inflows will affect a money supply growth and consequently affect a consumer price growth. According to our estimations, monetary base growth rate can reach 35%-40%. Increase in money supply will require open market interventions of the monetary authorities to withdraw "spare" inflation component of ruble volume growth. These operations can be made by the Ministry of Finance by issuing government securities (GKO/OFZ) as well as by the CBR issuing short-term bonds (OBR). Emission of OBR will to new growth in money supply due to relatively high interest payments and we do not expect considerable emission of OBR in 2000. On the contrary, GKO/OFZ issuing will exceed the planned level, according to the Budget Law 2000 GKO/OFZ should amount to 15 bln. rbl. At the same time non-market disbursements were planned to amount to 35 bln. rbl. It is likely that the Ministry of Finance will switch from non-market to market borrowings.

Moreover, one of the way of sterilization can be government purchases of foreign currency from the CBR to repay external debt. In this case, if the Ministry of Finance use sources from increased budget tax revenues than there will be no inflation effect of foreign capital inflow. This scheme explains the dynamics of macroeconomic parameters in the first quarter of 2000. Indeed, the CBR purchased about $5 bln. on currency market (140 bln. rbl.) and $2 bln. of this amount was used to fulfill government foreign obligations. However, inflation amounted to only 5% in January-March 2000 that on annual bases equals to 15%-18%.
There exists one more factor that keeps inflation from accelerating with a significant increase in money supply - a very low level of monetisation of the Russian economy. At the beginning of 80-es the GDP ratio to money supply was equal to 40% and in the middle of 90-es this ratio fell down to 15%. At the end of 1999 monetisation level reached 16% that indicates a rather low level even among developing countries.

Scenarios of Economic Developments in 2000
Summing up all mentioned above we can state that the CBR only two possible methods of monetary policy in 2000:
In the first scenario inflation will not exceed 20% (Dec./Dec.) and nominal ruble devaluation will be less than 15% (exchange rate will not reach a level of 30 rbl./$). The level of international reserves to the end of 2000 will amount to $15-17 bln. According to this scenario the ruble will highly appreciate that lead to decrease in export and increase in import because (keeping other things constant) domestic goods become cheaper than foreign goods. The realization of the scheme can happen only in short-run as it is unlikely that the government will support such a strategy (the political influence of exporters on Russian economic policy is very strong). Besides, these is a probability of a decrease in oil prices that will lead to impossibility of keeping the exchange rate stable.
The second scenario is more likely and suitable in long-run. It implies a zero real devaluation and an increase in foreign reserves by $22-25 bln. to the end of 2000. A high level of reserves, low inflation and rather stable exchange rate create optimistic perspectives of Russian economic developments in 2000. Moreover, this strategy do not affect interests of exporters and at the same time do not generate obstacles for import growth. However, as we mentioned above, the realization of this scenario can be blocked by the deterioration of the situation on the world tare markets and by the increase of illegal capital outflows.
| Actual, 1999 | Forecast, 2000 | ||
| Official | EU "VEDI" | ||
| Nominal GDP, bln. rbl. | 4545 | 5300 | 6000 |
| Real GDP growth, % | 1.3 | 1.5 | 3.0 |
| Trade balance, $ bln. | 33.0 | 37.0 | 40.0 |
| Money supply growth, % | 57.0 | 40.0 | 60.0 |
| Inflation (Dec./Dec.), % | 36.0 | 18.0 | 20.0 |
| Foreign credits, $ bln. | 2.8 | 4.5 | 2.5 |
Copyright © 1999 VEDI